Ancestors of David Kipp Conover
Person Page 136

John Lloyd (M)
b. 1639, d. 1695, #15602
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Relationship=7th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

John Lloyd was the son of Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd and Supposed Mother of Margaret Charles Elizabeth Stanley. John Lloyd was born in 1639 at Wales. He married Jane Gresham in 1668. John Lloyd died in 1695.

John Lloyd (M)
b. 1575, d. 1636, #16188
Relationship=9th great-grandfather of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

John Lloyd was born in 1575 at Dolobran, Montgomeryshire, Wales. He married Katharine Wynn, daughter of Humphrey Wynn and Maude (Unknown). John Lloyd died in 1636 at Dolobran, Montgomeryshire, Wales.

     Child of John Lloyd and Katharine Wynn:

Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd+   b. 1613, d. 17-Jan-1650/51

John Lloyd (M)
#120140
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Relationship=9th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

John Lloyd was the son of William Lloyd and Alice Noke.

Joyce Lloyd (F)
#120146
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Relationship=9th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Joyce Lloyd was the daughter of William Lloyd and Alice Noke. Joyce Lloyd married Joseph Williams.

Mary Lloyd (F)
#120141
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Relationship=9th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Mary Lloyd was the daughter of William Lloyd and Alice Noke. Mary Lloyd married (Unknown) Butler.

Ricahrd Lloyd (M)
#120145
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Relationship=9th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Ricahrd Lloyd was the son of William Lloyd and Alice Noke.

Sarah Lloyd (F)
b. circa 1630, d. 1709, #101253
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Relationship=9th great-grandmother of David Kipp Conover Jr..

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     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

Sarah Lloyd was the daughter of William Lloyd and Alice Noke. Sarah Lloyd was born circa 1630 at Bristol County, Somerset, England. She married William Smiton circa 1650 at Portsmouth, Newport County, Rhode Island. Sarah Lloyd died in 1709 at Portsmouth, Newport County, Rhode Island.

     Children of Sarah Lloyd and William Smiton:

Sarah Smiton+   b. 25-May-1647, d. circa 1715
Benjamin Smiton   b. circa 1655, d. 1709
Mary Smiton   b. circa 1658
Benjamin Smiton   b. 1668, d. 1709

William Lloyd (M)
b. circa 1600, d. 26-Feb-1675, #101264
Relationship=10th great-grandfather of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

William Lloyd was born circa 1600 at at or near, Bristol, England. He married Alice Noke, daughter of John Noke, circa 1630 at England. William Lloyd died on 26-Feb-1675 at Radcliffe, Bristol, England.

     Children of William Lloyd and Alice Noke:

John Lloyd
Mary Lloyd
Joane Lloyd
Ricahrd Lloyd
Joyce Lloyd
William Lloyd
Sarah Lloyd+   b. circa 1630, d. 1709

William Lloyd (M)
#120148
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Relationship=9th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

William Lloyd was the son of William Lloyd and Alice Noke.

Governor Thomas Lloyd (M)
b. 17-Feb-1640, d. 10-Jul-1694, #15601
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Relationship=7th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Governor Thomas Lloyd was the son of Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd and Supposed Mother of Margaret Charles Elizabeth Stanley. Governor Thomas Lloyd was baptized on 17-Feb-1640 at Dolobran, Montgomeryshire, Wales. Governor Thomas Lloyd was born in 1640 at Wales. He married Mary Jones in 1665 at Friends Meeting, Shropshire, Wales; 9th month 9, 1665. Governor Thomas Lloyd married Patience Story. Governor Thomas Lloyd died on 10-Jul-1694 at Philadelphia, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, at age 54.       Thomas Lloyd, a Welsh gentleman and physician, was the most influential Quaker politician in Pennsylvania during its first decade. A domineering and controversial personality, Lloyd served variously as president, commissioner of state, and deputy governor. Although excluded from the Provincial Council during the tenure of Governor John Blackwell, Lloyd exercised at that time perhaps his greatest power. Lloyd was born in Montgomeryshire, Wales, into a gentry family which, contrary to the great majority of the Welsh gentry, sided with Parliament and the religious Independents during the Commonwealth. Like his two older brothers, Lloyd attended Jesus College, Oxford, where he studied law and medicine. By his senior year, Lloyd held Quaker sympathies, but kept them secret, perhaps fearing he would be victimized as other Quakers had been by both the town magistrates and the "wild and ungodly Scholars." Learning that his eldest brother Charles, a recent Quaker convert, had been imprisoned in Wales for his beliefs, Lloyd returned home from Oxford in 1663 to visit him. Lloyd's decision to fully embrace Quakerism, which happened during or soon after meeting with his brother in Welshpool jail, must have been wrenching, since it meant abandoning the high social standing and political influence to which his family had long been accustomed. Members of the Lloyd family had served as county magistrates for at least five generations and had long been among the prominent and influential families in the county. Lloyd achieved a measure of success when, with Welsh Quaker leader Richard Davies, he visited county justices in an effort to secure the release of his brother and other Quakers. The meeting led to the transfer of the prisoners to a "sweet, convenient" house just outside the town and freedom to move about the town, provided they remained away from their homes and returned to their new quarters at night. Despite the ban, Charles Lloyd was able, with Thomas Lloyd, to hold Quaker meetings at the family estate of Dolobran Hall, which Charles had inherited in 1657. Although Thomas Lloyd probably never acquired a degree, he was a practicing physician with both poor and prosperous patients, many of whom were Anglicans. He appears to have moved several times while in Wales, but he always remained within the vicinity of Welshpool. In 1665 he was imprisoned for refusing to take the oath of allegiance; that same year, however, he married Mary Jones, a fellow member of Shropshire Monthly Meeting. Lloyd's specific period in prison is unclear, but he probably remained a prisoner technically until formally released in 1672 by Charles II's general pardon. Lloyd was outspoken in his advocacy of Quaker beliefs and opposition to persecution. Shortly after becoming a ministering Quaker in 1663, he disrupted services in a local Anglican church, delivering "a few very seasonable Words" to the parishioners. In 1676 Lloyd suffered the distraint of livestock worth £16 because he opted to lecture a justice and his party on true religion rather than depart an illegal meeting when ordered. In 1677, on behalf of local Welsh Friends, Lloyd travelled to London after a magistrate, irritated at Quaker refusal to swear the oath of allegiance, had threatened to execute them by means of the obsolete writ de heretico comburendo which had been last enforced under Mary Tudor. Lloyd and lawyer Thomas Corbet lobbied against the law with several members of Parliament; whether the result of their efforts or not, the writ was abolished during that session. The same year Lloyd also assisted the London Meeting for Sufferings in lobbying prominent non-Quakers on behalf of toleration. In 1681 Thomas and Charles Lloyd agreed to hold a public debate with Anglican clergy headed by the Bishop of St. Asaph, William Lloyd, a contest that lasted two days at the town hall at Llanfyllin, and out of which Thomas Lloyd emerged as the principal Quaker spokesman. He made the concluding presentation on the Quaker rejection of the worship, ministry, and sacraments of the Church of England, at one point apparently refuting extempore 38 syllogisms on water baptism presented by the Anglicans. Bishop Lloyd was alleged to have commented that he had not expected "so much could be said by any on that Subject, on so little Warning." By about 1682 Lloyd had decided to leave for Pennsylvania, perhaps because of the heightened persecution of Quakers in Montgomeryshire during the previous few years. Lloyd, "a carfull tender husband," delayed leaving for the colony until his wife recovered sufficiently from an illness to undertake the trip. Her health was not assisted by a voyage aboard the America that was marred by violent storms and by a whale who repeatedly assaulted the ship. Lloyd himself managed some respite from these travails by conversing in Latin with the German intellectual and fellow immigrant Francis Daniel Pastorius,* commencing a friendship which Pastorius later celebrated in verse. Mary Lloyd, however, died three months after the August 1683 arrival of the ship in Philadelphia. A few days before leaving England, Lloyd had acquired from his brother Charles first purchaser rights to 2500 acres to be surveyed in the Welsh Tract. Over the next few years, Lloyd roughly tripled the size of his landholdings, acquiring a 250-acre tract in Philadelphia County, five properties totaling 1760 acres in Bucks County, seven properties totaling 3500 acres in Sussex County, 80 acres of liberty lands, and at least four Philadelphia city lots. Lloyd also invested in West New Jersey, acquiring a share for a term of years in an island near Burlington, and in 1686 a 500-acre property in Gloucester County for £200. Lloyd quickly emerged as a leader in Pennsylvania. In October 1683 he was chosen foreman of the provincial grand jury that indicted Charles Pickering* on the charge of counterfeiting. Penn appointed Lloyd two months later to the important position of master of the rolls, making him responsible for enrolling laws, commissions, deeds, patents, and other official documents. Given Lloyd's status as among the highest bred and best educated of the colonists, as a substantial landowner, and as a prominent Quaker, his March 1684 election to a three-year term on the Provincial Council for Philadelphia County was unsurprising. From the beginning, Lloyd became extremely active in conciliar affairs. Along with William Welch* and Thomas Holme,* Lloyd was appointed by William Penn to the pivotal committee that drafted bills for the consideration of the upcoming Assembly. Either Lloyd or Welch prepared the bulk of the bills, of which 21 were approved by the House. Among the eight committees on which Lloyd served were those to transcribe and examine the laws and to receive amendments proposed by the House. Lloyd appears to have been a controversial figure: along with Holme and Welch, he proposed a bill, rejected by the Provincial Council after "great debate," for a separate "Councill for State's Matters," apparently an appointive body responsible to the governor rather than to the electorate, and drafted a bill, rejected by the Assembly, which would have upset the balance of power with the Lower Counties by granting separate political representation to the town of Philadelphia, a development that only became reality well after Lloyd's death. As if to demonstrate his loyalty to Penn, Lloyd drafted the unsuccessful and controversial bill for preserving the governor's person, and he chaired the Council's committee of the whole that resolved to continue the excise tax on liquor for the support of government. In turn, Penn entrusted Lloyd and William Welch with the task of convincing Governor Thomas Dongan of New York to persuade Lord Baltimore to remove armed Maryland intruders from New Castle County. Before departing for England, Penn rewarded Lloyd with a predominant share of the important provincial offices that he distributed among 11 colonists. Appointed keeper of the great seal and a commissioner of property, Lloyd was also chosen for the chief political post, president of the Council. Penn's decision was unpredictable--Lloyd had only recently been elected to the Council, he was not as "weighty" a Quaker as James Claypoole* or Christopher Taylor,* nor nearly as wealthy as another leading Quaker, Robert Turner,* and he could not boast of familiarity with Penn in England like Claypoole or Thomas Holme. At age 44 he was among the younger members of the Council. But Penn was evidently impressed with Lloyd's performance there, and he probably recognized that Lloyd possessed a rare commodity for Pennsylvania, some knowledge of the law. In fact, Lloyd was an eager student of legal literature, having received in July a packet of law books concerning "all manner of Precedente" sent by his brother John Lloyd, one of the six clerks in the Chancery Office. Thus when Penn arrived in England, he entrusted Lloyd with collecting depositions in New York to assist with the case against Lord Baltimore. Penn may also have favored Lloyd because he perceived in him a person who, in some respects, resembled himself--a charismatic Quaker aristocrat. As president, Lloyd chaired the meetings of the Provincial Council. Penn's commission authorized president and Council to appoint county and provincial officials and to promulgate bills in his absence, with the stipulation that he reserved the right to review and veto laws. Since the president and Council jointly acted as deputy governor, Lloyd had considerable power, for his approval, as well as that of a majority of the Council, was needed to promulgate bills and appoint officials. Lloyd, however, wished to separate and expand his office, often arguing that to serve as a councilor would be inconsistent with his role as president, where he represented the governor. Lloyd's marriage to Patience Story of New York City in December 1684 had unintended consequences for Pennsylvania's government. Although Patience Story had initially intended for the couple to settle in Philadelphia, she became convinced, in Robert Turner's estimation, that the city was not "suffitient for gaine," and thus persuaded her husband by the fall of 1685 to make their home in New York City. Formerly a conscientious member of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, Lloyd now became active instead in Flushing Monthly Meeting. As for making a living in New York, Lloyd apparently practiced medicine and engaged in commerce. Lloyd's attendance at the Provincial Council wavered; from 30 March 1685 to 3 May 1686 (the day before the Assembly began) he appeared at only 53 percent (35 out of 66) of the meetings. Although his attendance improved dramatically to 81 percent (76 out of 94) from 10 May 1686 to the arrival of Governor John Blackwell on 18 December 1689, the meetings were held with less frequency, particularly during the winter months. Interestingly, after Blackwell's departure and until the Fletcher administration, Lloyd never missed another recorded session, although meetings were still irregular. The infrequent sessions, however, combined with erratic attendance by councilors, may have created a power vacuum at the center of government that enabled Lloyd, as de facto governor, to wield greater authority. Faced with the persistent maneuvers of the assemblymen to expand their legislative privileges, Lloyd led the councilors in upholding the prerogatives established for them in the Frame of Government. In conferences between the House and Council in the General Assembly of 1686, that were "wholy mannaged" by Speaker John White* and by Lloyd, the latter argued strongly against the amendments to the continuation bill which would have gained for the Assembly the right to repeal laws on its own initiative, and thereby subvert the Frame of Government. When the Assembly persisted, the councilors unanimously agreed to Lloyd's proposal that the Assembly should be dismissed without enactment of legislation rather then permit the "unavoydable mischeiff" a lapse in the laws would cause. The General Assembly then met and agreed with Lloyd's suggestion that the question of repeal should await Penn's return to the colony. During the 1687 Assembly, with Penn not having arrived, the Council simply failed to propose new legislation. Tensions within the Council were overshadowed not only by the chronic friction with the Assembly over legislative privileges but also by the uproar surrounding Nicholas More's* lawsuits against the Free Society of Traders. President Lloyd appears to have commanded a solid Quaker majority that was rarely challenged, a domination facilitated by the particularly low attendance by councilors from the Lower Counties. In 1687 Phineas Pemberton* informed Penn that the Council, since he had returned to England, "has beene very agreeing and unanimous w[hi]ch has been A great stay to us." Nonetheless, the factionalism that later characterized the Council originated during this period. Lloyd and the Quaker councilors followed certain policies that rankled the representatives of the Lower Counties: after August 1684, all Council meetings were held in Philadelphia; in 1685 a law was enacted, with Lloyd's active support, requiring the provincial justices to hear appeals twice annually in Philadelphia, instead of on circuit as previously; all the individuals either proposed by Lloyd or approved by the Council to be provincial justices were Quakers from the upper counties; and the modest proposal of the 1687 Assembly that at least one of the five justices should be from the Lower Counties was rejected. William Markham* and Robert Turner each came to dislike and distrust Lloyd, skirmishing with him over the appointment of officials. After Lloyd "moved hard" in support of the unpopular James Claypoole for the office of register general, Turner argued against the nomination, only to be undercut when Penn decided in favor of Claypoole. Markham, as provincial secretary, was angry with Lloyd's effort "to Make a partie" to oust him out of the clerkship of the Provincial Court, a position Markham argued was his by right of the secretary's office. Upon encountering some opposition in the Council, however, Lloyd retreated and permitted the provincial justices to make their own choice of clerk. The only major challenge to Lloyd's leadership was sparked by Christopher Taylor, an elderly and eminent Quaker minister who argued that Lloyd's tenure as president ceased when his term as councilor expired in March 1687. In turn, Lloyd insisted that his commission was indeterminate. The impasse continued despite "great Disputes" between the two men, and even after Taylor completed his term, many councilors shared Taylor's conviction. William Markham, despite his own problems with the president, urged Penn to recommission Lloyd before his term expired to avoid a fundamental schism in the colony. Penn, however, chose a different route. As early as April 1686, in a carefully phrased plea, Penn showed his concern over Lloyd's residing in New York: "I am glad thou affordest the Province thy presence sometimes, tho it is greivous to me to think I should be disapointed, but if it be for thy good, I desire to be contented." Again in September 1686 Penn commented: "I hope Patience will, for my sake, & w[hi]ch is more, for the truths, give thee up sometimes." By November 1686 his confidence in Lloyd's leadership had also eroded, as seen in a letter that month to the president; Penn lamented that he would pay at least £100 to find a man who would, in a true Christian spirit, "stand up for our good beginnings, & bring a savour of righteousness" to the colony. Apparently Lloyd was not that man, having failed in Penn's view to heal the political divisions in the colony. The proprietor made that clear several months later by lecturing Lloyd about the need for magistrates to be reconcilers, rather than the chronic quarrelers they were in Pennsylvania. Yet Penn retained more faith in Lloyd than in any other leader in the colony, the reasons for which remain something of a mystery. In the 29 months since Penn returned to England, Lloyd sent at least 9 letters to him. Although the letters are apparently not extant, their contents can be surmised to some degree. Lloyd must have expressed considerable sympathy for at least some of Penn's goals for the province and persuaded Penn that he was working to accomplish those ends. Lloyd appears to have written at length about animosities in the province, and to have portrayed himself as a shrewd peacemaker, since the proprietor praised Lloyd on two occasions for following a sober and expedient policy in working to resolve conflicts. Like Penn, Lloyd complained about the financial burden that his commitment to Pennsylvania entailed, specifically the cost of having to maintain a residence in Philadelphia and to travel back and forth to New York. In November 1686 Penn rather deviously assured Lloyd of recompense as long as he either appeased or punished such wrongdoers as John White and Patrick Robinson.* Penn was alarmed, however, by reports of Lloyd's behavior from Markham, who was both a persistent critic of Lloyd and a potential political rival. The communications from Markham contained much veiled but pointed criticism of Lloyd's leadership of the Council, but what troubled Penn most was Markham's description of Lloyd's behavior in the legal dispute between Nicholas More and the Free Society of Traders. Sitting in a "Great Arme Chear" reserved for him in Philadelphia County court, Lloyd had interrupted and quarreled with More in an undisguised, but futile, attempt to influence the jury into deciding in favor of the Free Society. Lloyd then, during a Council meeting, assisted the president of the Free Society, Benjamin Chambers, in preparing his petition for the right to appeal to the Provincial Court. Lloyd and the Council proceeded to overrule the county court's rejection of Griffith Jones* as security in the prosecution of the appeal. Observing that "both More and Lloyd have parties" arrayed against each other, Markham warned that the situation posed a grave threat to proprietary government if Penn did not return shortly to the colony or otherwise appoint someone to govern "with out passion Favour or affection." Markham further informed Penn that Lloyd justified his intervention in the courtroom on the grounds of an expansive, even exalted understanding of the powers inherent in his position as keeper of the great seal. Lloyd evidently believed that he was akin to the Lord High Chancellor of England, also keeper of the great seal, who presided over the equity court of Chancery. Given the equitable jurisidiction of Pennsylvania's county courts, Lloyd viewed himself as empowered therefore to preside over those courts, a right he claimed when More's trial was held in Philadelphia County court. Lloyd also claimed the right to preside over the Provincial Court, telling the justices in September 1686 that "there would never be a good Decorum untill he satt there as Chancellor, and they as Masters of Chancery, for his assistants." He added that "he did not think to doe it at this time." Lloyd's partisan and interventionist role in the controversy between More and the Free Society may have been the catalyst that finally prompted Penn's decision to change the form of government by replacing the system of president and Council with a five-man deputy governor. Yet Penn in an ambiguously-worded comment in a January 1687 letter to James Harrison* the month before the commission was sent, indicated that if Lloyd "had kept his place, he might have prevented much of these things." Precisely what Penn meant by "kept his place" is difficult to determine; he may have been commenting on Lloyd's arrogant claims for expanded rights as president and chancellor or simply on Lloyd's residential shift from Philadelphia to New York. Penn's commission, in fact, appeared to confirm both possibilities. On the one hand, by appointing Lloyd, More, Claypoole, Turner, and John Eckley* as commissioners of state Penn hoped to "Ballance factions" in order to "quiet things" until he returned to the colony. In particular, Penn's scheme was designed to mend the dispute between the factions led by Lloyd and More, since as the second man named in the commission, More would have presided over the Council during Lloyd's frequent absences. On the other hand, Penn declared that the new commission was also issued to insure that "there may be a more Constant residence of the honorary & Governing part of the Goverm[en]t." Lloyd and those with whom he consulted decided to ignore the commission and retain the old form of government, with Lloyd continuing as president. The entire Council, however, was not informed of the commission, since William Clark,* a regular attender, was evidently kept in the dark. Yet according to Penn, he received separate letters from President Lloyd, Arthur Cook,* James Harrison, and Phineas Pemberton assuring him that "all is well, truth in authority in the Government, & better then when I left the place." None of them, however, had mentioned the continuation of Lloyd as president. Penn was skeptical of the good news, since he was receiving contrary reports from other Quaker leaders, although they, too, had not revealed the failure to comply with his commission. Although certainly an independent and disobedient act, the noncompliance by Lloyd and his compatriots was not necessarily disloyal to Penn, since the sharing of power by such proud and temperamental individuals as Lloyd, More, Claypoole, and Turner could only have worked to the detriment of Penn's oft-repeated goal of political harmony in the colony. His utopian scheme was an unworkable arrangement. Lloyd also had to contend with Penn's instructions to the commissioners. Previously, Lloyd and the Council had selected which of Penn's commands they chose to implement. That selectivity was due in part to Penn's tendency to write to them almost as equals and to couch his instructions simply as advice. While respecting his occasional recommendations for office and his concerns that the Assembly's privileges not be extended, Lloyd and the Council had not implemented such requests as proposing a new coinage bill or shutting down the caves of Philadelphia. Nor had they satisfactorily responded to Penn's letter to Lloyd sent in September 1686 requesting payment of the money pledged in the voluntary subscription of 1684, and also desiring a temporary annulment of the laws followed by reenactment with alterations, a maneuver to keep the provincial laws largely intact while satisfying the demand that they be reviewed by the Privy Council within five years. But when Penn changed the form of government, he also abandoned the gentle approach as impractical and issued instead abrupt commands to the commissioners of state that were to be obeyed, including the temporary annulment and reenactment of the laws. In April 1687 Lloyd and the Council voted unanimously against a temporary annulment of the laws, at least until they heard further from Penn. Presumably the Council feared that by permitting the Assembly to review and reenact the laws, as would have been necessary after an annulment, the House would inevitably have pressed for an expansion of its rights. Lloyd and the Council evidently hoped that the matter could be delayed until Penn's return to the colony. In December 1687 Penn informed Lloyd that he had granted his request to be discharged from the government. Although Penn had become highly suspicious that Lloyd had failed to comply with the commission, he nonetheless expressed his sorrow that his "esteemed Friend," a person so "young, & active, & Ingenious," should seek a dismissal. Yet Lloyd continued to act as president of the Council, and when Penn's commission was finally implemented in February 1688, with Arthur Cook and John Simcock* replacing More and Claypoole, the intrepid Lloyd took his seat as commissioner of state. Whether Lloyd had formally requested a dismissal from government is unclear. Perhaps Penn misinterpreted one of his laments about the burden and charge of government, or possibly such ardent supporters as Phineas Pemberton and Arthur Cook persuaded Lloyd to change his mind. Lloyd reportedly was "very un-easy & dis-satisfyed" by his recent correspondence with Penn about his demotion from president to commissioner of state, Lloyd feeling "eclipsd" by the other commissioners. Lloyd was also vexed by Penn's demand for official communications from the commissioners of state, instead of contradictory private letters, arguing that as "Cheiff in Authority," his many letters to Penn should be considered as official government correspondence. In the past, Penn had considered that method sufficient. Penn still retained a remarkable faith in Lloyd, and in March 1688, with Pennsylvania still suffering political turmoil, he beseeched Lloyd "by all that is reverent, tender, & friendly" to accept the position of deputy governor for the sake of "that poor Province." Penn then received, however, a letter from Lloyd requesting a dismissal from government; whether the letter was written before or after Lloyd received Penn's offer to be governor is not known. Lloyd and some of his supporters had previously urged Penn to appoint a deputy governor, so there may have been a misunderstanding between the two men, Penn perhaps thinking that Lloyd wished dismissal from all governmental service, while Lloyd simply wanted to resign as a commissioner of state. Certainly, Lloyd's behavior when Governor John Blackwell arrived suggests a jealous leader deprived of power. In any event, in July 1688 Penn appointed Blackwell governor of Pennsylvania, although the old commission continued in force until the new governor's arrival in December. William Markham, who still referred to Lloyd as "President," left little doubt in his letters to Penn in 1688 that despite the power-sharing arrangement, it was Lloyd who governed, or more accurately in Markham's estimation, misgoverned. Markham described Lloyd as overbearing and haughty, and also as manipulative, often evading responsibility by failing to sign documents after persuading others to append their signatures on the pretense that he would sign later. Lloyd's relations with Markham and with Robert Turner continued to deteriorate. He had a particularly sharp dispute with Turner over the conduct of Francis Cornwell, the sheriff of Sussex County, who was vigorously defended by Lloyd when accused of failing to provide a return for Luke Watson* (d. 1705), a duly elected member. Markham, in the meantime, left no stone unturned in criticizing Lloyd to the proprietor, even hinting that to some degree Lloyd shared the growing antipathy among many councilors to a number of Penn's policies and decisions, such as his presumed right to veto laws, his ruling in favor of John Tatham in the prolonged dispute with Joseph Growdon,* and his instruction to establish a court of Exchequer in Pennsylvania. In each case, particularly those of Growdon and the court of Exchequer, Lloyd took positions opposite to that of the proprietor. In Markham's view, Lloyd's hunger for power had overwhelmed and diminished his loyalty to Penn. Markham stated his belief to Penn that in Lloyd, "the Flames of Ambition Envies that Spark that Comes not from its owne Fyre." Whatever Markham's motives might have been for attacking Lloyd, he could not have critized his adversary for his firmness towards the Assembly, a policy advocated by Penn. As one of the commissioners of state, Lloyd had been instructed by Penn to forbid any conferences with the Assembly except for the discussion of legislation proposed by Council; this command represented a marked change in tone from Penn's earlier advice to Lloyd to "soften them that bustle in Generll Assemblys." Since the House had become accustomed to debating its "privileges" and other matters with the Council, Lloyd and his fellow commissioners were in an unenviable position. The already testy relationship between the Council and Assembly escalated when this instruction was enforced in 1688. According to Markham, Lloyd was the chief antagonist during two conferences in which the assemblymen "Stood Stiff For their Supposed previliges, but were Knock'd Downe, Rather then gently laid." The assemblymen were particularly irritated when Lloyd refused their modest request, at the first conference, to look at Penn's original commission to the commissioners of state, Lloyd insisting that even the most inferior officers were not obliged to show their commissions, much less such "Grand Magestrates" as the joint deputy-governor. At the second conference, Lloyd "sharply Reproved" the assemblymen for "touching upon many things not belonging to them." His position, however, was supported by a committee of the Council, which denied any right to the Assembly to form committees on its own initiative. While Penn would have supported Lloyd's comments, he would not have been pleased at his treatment of Governor John Blackwell. When Blackwell sent Lloyd a gracious letter announcing his appointment, Lloyd ignored his request for an escort from New York City and instead orchestrated a rude reception for the new governor when he arrived in Philadelphia. Despite sending notification of his plan to meet with the commissioners and the councilors, Blackwell found the Council chambers deserted at the appointed hour; when Lloyd finally arrived, Blackwell received, instead of an apology and a welcome, a snide comment that he should have "more perticularly advertized, & formally summond" those in authority. Blackwell heard later that the lack of civility towards him on that first day was ordered by Lloyd. Matters did not improve when Blackwell delivered to Lloyd, as keeper of the great seal, a new commission for Philadelphia County justices, requesting his advice and expecting him to seal it. Blackwell instead was "intertayned ... with an harrangue of severall things, out of some Law book, touching the formes of Commissions." Lloyd refused to seal the commission, claiming that at least two clauses either violated or were not sanctioned by provincial laws. The clauses in question apparently required that records of all fines imposed were to be sent to an appropriate proprietary officer to insure collection and abolished the discretionary power of justices to decide when appeals were permissable to a higher court. Assuming the powers of the Privy Council, Blackwell believed he had the right to rule any commission or law invalid which violated his understanding of the laws of England. Enraged by Lloyd's noncompliance, Blackwell issued the commission under the lesser seal. Lloyd's defiant act was not supported by the councilors, who adopted without dissent John Simcock's proposal that Lloyd, still commuting to New York, could leave the province only if the great seal was left with the Council during his absence. This order reflected a severe diminution in Lloyd's influence, since all the councilors present, except for Markham, were Quakers from the upper counties--the group upon whom Lloyd relied for his support. These councilors evidently shared Blackwell's opinion that the sealing of commissions by the keeper was a ceremonial function to be performed on the command of the governing authority in the colony. Lloyd disagreed sharply with that view and with the Council's resolution. In a remarkable speech before the Council, Lloyd insisted that as keeper of the great seal he was the constitutional arbiter of the province: "The duty of my place is to advise, and with you to Endeavour that nothing be attempted by any person or persons here, to the Subvertion of the Frame of Governm[en]t." Viewing his office, held by letters patent, as a form of property, Lloyd asserted that the resolution was "destructive of Right, and inconsistent with property," and that Blackwell and the Council were ruling by arbitrary methods. Alarmed and hurt that "Sincere minded" councilors had uncharacteristically acted in a manner "unbecoming the wisdom and dignity" of their position, Lloyd also sensed that they were relieved to be freed from his overbearing presence. But while admitting to having been "a great Drudge In my Sphere," Lloyd added that he had endeavoured to act in the best interests of the colony and was undeserving of their abuse. Lloyd was further isolated when he tried to hide from Blackwell instructions sent by Penn to the commissioners of state. Lloyd claimed that the public content of all the letters had been disclosed to the governor and that Turner, Cook, and Simcock concurred. They, in fact, denied Lloyd's claim and the Council then unanimously ordered that all previous instructions be transcribed and delivered for the Council's perusal. Lloyd probably feared that Blackwell, seeing Penn's instruction to temporarily annul the laws, would reshape the colony's legislation to his own liking. Lloyd's fear was well-founded; for example, Blackwell used Penn's order as part of his rationale for insisting that a 1685 law granting power to the governor and Council to appoint provincial justices should be replaced by an earlier law vesting that right only in the governor. The subsequent commission from Blackwell gained the support of the Council. Lloyd promptly refused to seal the commission, declaring it "more moulded by Fancy, then Formed by law." Blackwell, however, insisted that the great seal had to be applied to legalize the Provincial Court, which was desperately needed to dispense justice on circuit in the Lower Counties. With such councilors as Robert Turner and Griffith Jones denouncing Lloyd's usurpation of power, the Council censured the keeper for a high misdemeanour of office in refusing to seal the commission. Lloyd's intransigence did not hurt him with the Bucks County freeholders; at the March 1689 election, all but one of those assembled voted for Lloyd to serve a three-year term in the Provincial Council. The tide of opinion now swung towards Lloyd when Blackwell, overruling the right of the Council to determine the qualifications of its members, denied Lloyd his seat. With Blackwell also denying places to John Eckley and Samuel Richardson,* the majority of Quaker councilors, who had shown their increasing uneasiness over Blackwell by scattered dissents and infrequent attendance, were galvanized into active opposition. Nor was Blackwell finished. On 2 April 1689 he presented the Council with 11 "high misdemeanors, Crimes and offences" against Lloyd, including his refusing to seal commissions, withholding Penn's instructions, illegally commissioning David Lloyd* as clerk of Philadelphia County court, engaging in factional intrigues with councilors, and neglecting his duties as master of the rolls and keeper of the great seal before Blackwell's arrival. At a stormy meeting during which some councilors expressed "in-ordinate affections" for Lloyd, the governor's proposal to form a committee to prosecute Lloyd was hotly debated and defeated "in such warme Expressions as are not fitt to be Recorded." Arguing that the governor and Council were powerless as long as Lloyd held the great seal, Blackwell threatened to try him without the Council's sanction. Unperturbed and clearly unwilling to ease tensions, Lloyd came to the next meeting to assume his seat, refusing Blackwell's commands to depart and inciting his opponents with "sharpe & unsavoury Expressions." On 9 April 1689 Blackwell dismissed the Council for legislative purposes after a bitter debate with Quaker councilors who challenged his refusal to allow the Council to determine whether to seat Lloyd, Richardson, and Eckley. Eight Quaker councilors, including two from the Lower Counties, then wrote to Penn, accusing Blackwell of threatening the liberties of the people, in part by his "great Charge" against Lloyd, who had, they added, "faithfully served thee & the Countrey at his owne Charge." In a complete turnaround, they defended Lloyd's refusal to seal the commissions as an act of "good Conscience" because he believed the commissions were "not warrantable by law." They also warned that Blackwell sought the death penalty for Lloyd, a not unreasonable assumption given Blackwell's conviction that Lloyd's actions were seditious. On 20 May 1689, on the final day of the tumultuous Assembly, a group of councilors, including Lloyd, met with the remaining assemblymen apparently to prepare a paper of grievances. Blackwell, however, stopped William Yardley's* attempt to introduce the "unduly hatch'd" paper, at which time Lloyd, Eckley, and Richardson entered the Council to claim their seats; Blackwell demanded they depart, whereupon Lloyd attracted a crowd outside the Council chambers when he persisted in "Lowd talking," stopping only after Blackwell threatened to shut the door. The governor, however, achieved a minor victory when he persuaded nine councilors, including Yardley, to issue a declaration continuing in force only those laws enacted during Penn's tenure in the colony. The document, issued in lieu of a continuation bill, criticized Lloyd and his supporters for falsely accusing Blackwell and the Council of seeking to subvert the Frame of Government and "to Rule by an Arbitrary Power." Lloyd replied with A Seasonable Advertisement to the Freemen of this Province, copies of which, according to Blackwell, Lloyd was "scattering" about the province. Lloyd argued that the declaration was illegal, for it continued laws without consent of the Assembly, and he warned the colony's freemen that if they permitted such a document they effectively surrendered their rights, including "the Power of making Laws, erecting Courts of Justice, Raising of Monies." Blackwell felt powerless without firm backing from Penn; in May he had requested his dismissal if the proprietor did not dismiss Lloyd and order the seal sequestered. In August his resignation was accepted by the beleaguered proprietor, who also ordered Blackwell to drop the prosecution of Lloyd and to mend, not punish, "Former inconveniences," an admonition which Blackwell considered "Very soft Expressions, touching a person so Criminall." News of Blackwell's resignation may have convinced Lloyd to settle with his family in Philadelphia; in any event, he moved about this time from New York City, although retaining several properties there. In the fall of 1689 he resumed his membership in Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, in which he became moderately active. Lloyd evidently was a more dynamic figure in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, which called upon him to help write the epistles to English Quakers in 1685, 1687, 1691, and 1693. Possibly suffering financial insolvency or simply desiring to retrench, Lloyd divested himself of a significant share of his real estate. Between 1686 and 1693 Lloyd sold at least 2400 acres in Sussex County, 870 acres in the Welch Tract, and a High Street lot in Philadelphia. However, Lloyd also made some purchases, acquiring a 30-acre tract in Philadelphia County, and, more notably, obtaining first purchaser rights to another 1250 acres in the Welsh Tract. Where Lloyd lived in Philadelphia upon moving from New York is uncertain, but after August 1694 he may have resided at Third and Chestnut streets, where he purchased a house at that time for £250. After Blackwell's resignation, Penn presented the Council a choice in their form of government, sending two commissions both of which permitted the councilors to select their principal leader. As a result, Lloyd's position became, from then on, more dependent on the support of the majority of the Council than on Penn's patronage. In a gesture of conciliation, such former Blackwell allies as William Markham, William Clark, and Griffith Jones joined with the dominant Quaker faction in electing Lloyd president of the Council in January 1690 and permitting him as keeper of the great seal to sit "Ex-officio in any County Court," thereby recognizing a right that Lloyd had long assumed. Lloyd and the Quaker majority, however, turned on Blackwell's supporters, invalidating the commissions of Markham and Robert Turner as clerk of Philadelphia County court and register-general, respectively, on the grounds that their terms had expired with Blackwell's resignation. Markham refused to surrender the county seal and records, while Turner complained bitterly to Penn about the failure to encourage such deserving individuals as Griffith Jones, Patrick Robinson, John Claypoole, and himself. This partisan policy, along with festering grievances over the dispensation of justice in the Lower Counties, led to a November 1690 meeting of six councilors from the Lower Counties, who issued unauthorized commissions for provincial justices for the province and the territories, and who demanded veto power over county appointments. Lloyd and the other provincial councilors condemned the "Clandestine meeting" as an attempt to establish an alternative governor and council "which is an absurdity not to be tolerated." After Penn added another option in the form of government from which the Council could select, ten councilors chose the commission for deputy governor, and elected Lloyd to the position, a choice precipitating a walkout by seven Lower Counties councilors, for whom Lloyd was a symbol of Quaker arrogance and urban chauvinism. They made their feelings clear in a letter to Penn which, among other accusations, charged Lloyd with stating that "it would not be well" until all judicial appeals were heard in Philadelphia and with spreading rumors that "he was a thousand pounds the worse for the Governm[en]t." In fact, they argued, "the People thoug[h]t the Governm[en]t was much the Wo an unknown person se for his being So much Concerned in it." Lloyd condemned what he viewed as the formation of a separate Council "without any Just cause," but motivated instead by "obstinacy, willfull neglect & self interest," and he offered little consolation when he promised their return would be "lovingly" received and that they would not be forced to pay a penny for his services as governor. The boycotting members refused to return. But Lloyd had the strong backing of ten Quaker councilors, including two from the Lower Counties; they wrote to Penn that Lloyd's appointment was "to the generall satisfacion of the Inhabitants of the Province." Why they chose Lloyd is uncertain, although he reflected the growing disenchantment in the colony to the proprietor's increasingly futile efforts to exercise dominion over the legislature. A case in point was the letter sent by the ten councilors to Penn on 11 April 1691 that repudiated his critique of the Assembly's actions in the John White affair of 1689, that chastized him for countenancing their enemies, and that strongly defended the Council's choices of provincial and county officers. Yet the councilors assured Penn that Lloyd would not permit the Assembly to exercise or insist upon full legislative privileges, he having "some years since soe managed it in thy favour that many were not well pleased with him, thinkeing he strained that point beyond either thy Instructions or Charter." In the fall of 1691 Penn named Lloyd and Markham deputy governors, respectively, of the province and the Lower Counties, with separate powers of appointment but joint powers of promulgating legislation. The following April Lloyd, Markham, and 15 councilors informed Penn that they were working amicably together in preparing legislation. In the General Assembly of 1692, however, Lloyd and Markham ignored Penn's harsh instructions to disallow the Assembly from having a speaker and clerk, or the right to debate and suggest amendments to laws--practices which Penn had countenanced when he resided in the colony. Instead, they allowed the House to review and amend laws that had lapsed, a continuation bill not having been enacted the previous Assembly, and thus in effect, permitting a right to repeal laws. The conciliatory atmosphere was undermined by a proposed provincial tax in 1692 that aroused widespread opposition and rumors that it was primarily intended to supply a salary for Lloyd, who ultimately dismissed the Assembly before any legislation was enacted. Yet Lloyd received sympathy and assistance to ease his financial predicament from John White who, as Robert Turner scornfully reported, was "goeing about with a bagg, & paper for subscriptions for [Lloyd]." On the surface, the Lloyd-White alliance seemed unlikely, considering White's role in expanding Assembly privileges against Lloyd's strenuous opposition, but the common struggle against former Governor Blackwell had apparently brought them together, as also seen by Lloyd's conciliar order in 1690 for White to be continued as clerk of New Castle County court. Another challenge to Lloyd's authority also occurred in 1692 with the Keithian dispute. Although eventually singled out (along with Samuel Jennings) by the Keithians as their greatest persecutor and opponent, Lloyd appears initially to have been a moderating influence, confident in the prospect of keeping Keith's supporters within the Quaker fold. By the summer of 1692, however, Lloyd was no longer sanguine about the prospect of reconciliation; he served on the six-member committee of the Meeting of Ministers and Elders that forbade Keith in June 1692 from preaching until he condemned his intemperate speeches against particular Friends. At about that time, Lloyd and Keith engaged in a heated debate over the sufficiency of the Inner Light for salvation, prompting Keith to utter disparaging remarks about Lloyd as a magistrate. Keith focused on Lloyd, at least in the estimation of Hugh Roberts,* because "he thought if he could but run him down he could deal well inufe with [the] rest," a commentary on Lloyd's political preeminence and his reputation for being a skilled debater. The summer witnessed further disputations between the "two scolars." The publication in August 1692 of An Appeal from the Twenty Eight Judges shifted the focus from religion to politics by arguing that Quakers who served as magistrates betrayed their religious principles. Late that month, six Quaker justices of Philadelphia County court charged Keith with having defamed magistrates, and in particular "our worthy Friend Thomas Lloyd," by having called him "an impudent Man ... not fit to be Governour," and whose name "would stink." The justices also ordered both the seizure of the Appeal as subversive of government and the arrest of the publishers. Lloyd and eight Quaker councilors then called upon the provincial judges and county justices in September 1692 to prevent and suppress books and pamphlets that encouraged sedition, subversion, or the bringing of the proprietary or magistrates into contempt. On 19 April 1693 royal governor Benjamin Fletcher wrote to Lloyd from New York that he would be taking office in ten days. Fletcher arrived three days early and while Lloyd welcomed "the prospect of a recess," he claimed to have received no word of the change from Penn nor any royal order to surrender the government. Nor would he partake in the publishing of the commission, particularly as most of those present were the same "Rabble" and enemies to "the Church of Xt [Christ]" who had created the circumstances prompting the overthrow of proprietary government. Lloyd retained his office as keeper of the great seal and obstructed Fletcher as he had Blackwell by refusing to seal either Fletcher's commission as governor or commissions for officers, and by turning down Fletcher's shrewd offer of the "First Place att the Councell Board," the governor "well Knowing hee would not Accept it." But Lloyd remained essentially in the background and Fletcher, although annoyed, avoided being drawn into the kind of confrontation with Lloyd that had plagued Blackwell. Lloyd's taste for the struggle had waned, for his relationship with Penn had become severely strained, and he had wearied of political service without a salary. In a letter answering Fletcher's request for a supply for the defense of New York, Lloyd noted their parallel situations, as neither of them could expect relief from assemblymen who had long considered taxes unneccessary for the support of government. When Lloyd predictably declined Fletcher's offer of first place in the Council, he may have done so less as a protest or act of pride than as a desire to retire, for his letter to Fletcher also requested dismissal from government service which burdened but did not relieve him. That Lloyd also felt slighted by Penn left him with little incentive to challenge such a formidable foe as Fletcher, who had the full weight of the English government behind him. Lloyd was hurt that Penn had not replied to his letters, and was dismayed that the proprietor was sympathetic to George Keith and to the political faction in Pennsylvania opposed to the dominant Quakers. At one point, Penn mocked Lloyd for allowing personal irritation at proprietary silence to "Lett things drive to their present period." Penn blamed Lloyd, unfairly perhaps, with intentionally provoking the division between the province and Lower Counties in order to achieve his overweening ambition to be governor, and with also creating by his divisive leadership a political faction so anxious to be rid of him that it was willing to cooperate with Fletcher. Penn reprimanded Lloyd for not having challenged Fletcher in the same spirit that he had Blackwell; instead of meekly surrendering the government to Fletcher, he should have "stood upon his commission, Grounded upon a Legal & Solemn Patent." Lloyd was deeply stung by this scathing attack. In reply, he stated that his love for Penn and faithful service to him would continue despite his animosity. "I am not the Man thou takest me to be," he ruefully added. Lloyd was not alone in his defense. In January 1694 Arthur Cook, John Simcock, Samuel Richardson, James Fox,* George Maris,* and Samuel Carpenter* rallied behind him, staunchly defending to the proprietor Lloyd's motivations and leadership. They stressed that Lloyd had accepted the position of deputy governor only after repeated and insistent requests, and that rather than seeking his own self-interest he had "wasted his Estate in thy Service" only to be rewarded with "thy hard thoughts." Moreover, Lloyd had proved his loyalty to Penn, by "his zealous prosecution" of proprietary instructions to uphold the prerogatives of Council, despite resultant unpopularity, and more recently by his refusal to serve under Fletcher. Generally speaking, Lloyd's support came from those provincial leaders, that also included Caleb Pusey,* Phineas Pemberton, and Isaac Norris,* who were most sympathetic to Penn and his interests, indicating that while Lloyd charted an independent course for the colony he was unassociated with disloyalty to the proprietor. Since Lloyd presented himself as loyal, albeit misunderstood, his supporters were able to follow his lead while maintaining their allegiance to Penn. Stricken with "a malignant fever" on 5 September 1694, Lloyd died five days later. His will, written on the day of his death and probated on 22 October, divided his estate among his wife, Patience, and seven children, and named as executors his wife, son Mordecai, son-in-law Isaac Norris, and kinsman David Lloyd. The will also stipulated that five slaves and their offspring be hired out to provide a steady source of income for his wife and children. In December 1694 Patience Lloyd complained against David Lloyd at Philadelphia Monthly Meeting for his handling of the estate. At the heart of this lengthy and bitter dispute, in which the widow, with the support of Arthur Cook, threatened to sue, was her anger over the insistence by co-executors Isaac Norris and David Lloyd that little money, if any, would remain once all the estate's debts were satisfied. In 1701 Penn assisted Patience Lloyd, probably in compensation for Thomas Lloyd's political services, by providing her with an annual pension of £10. Penn was unforgiving toward her husband, however, blaming Lloyd as late as 1705 for proprietary financial woes by his having "complimented some few selfish Spirits" in allowing the repeal of the 1683 law for an excise tax on liquor "without my final consent." In 1716 Lloyd's estate had still not been completely settled. No inventory of the estate has been found. He was graduated on 29-Jan-1661 at Jesus College, Oxford, Oxfordshire, England; degree of Bachelor of Arts. He studied medicine. He was converted to the Society of Friends under the teaching of George Fox 1663. He was imprisoned for being a Quaker. He was in prison off and on until 1672 in 1664. He emigrated on 10-Jun-1683 from London, Middlesex, England; He was from Westpool, Montgomeryshire, Wales. He immigrated on 20-Aug-1683. He held the position of master of the rolls between 2-Dec-1683 and 1694. He held the position of commissioner of property between 1684 and 1686. He held the position of Provincial Council between 1684 and 1686 at Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania. He held the position of President of the Provincial Council between 1684 and 1687. He held the position of keeper of the great seal between 1684 and 1694. He held the position of Justice of the Peace in 1690 at Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania. He held the position of Provincial Council in 1689/90 at Bucks County, Pennsylvania. He held the position of Deputy Governor between 1691 and 1692.

Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd (M)
b. 1613, d. 17-Jan-1650/51, #15565
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=8th great-grandfather of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd was the son of John Lloyd and Katharine Wynn. Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd was born in 1613 at Dolobran, Montgomeryshire, Wales. Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd was born in 1597 at Dolobran, Montgomery County, Wales. He married Supposed Mother of Margaret Charles Elizabeth Stanley, daughter of Thomas Stanley and Sarah Burton, circa 1637. Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd died on 17-Jan-1650/51. He died in 1657.

     Children of Supposed Father of Margaret Charles Charles Lloyd and Supposed Mother of Margaret Charles Elizabeth Stanley:

Margaret Charles+   b. 1636, d. 1683
Charles Lloyd   b. 9-Dec-1637, d. 26-Nov-1698
John Lloyd   b. 1639, d. 1695
Elizabeth Lloyd   b. 1639
Governor Thomas Lloyd   b. 17-Feb-1640, d. 10-Jul-1694

William Locke (M)
#249333

William Locke married Abigail Heywood, daughter of John Heywood and Sarah Simonds, on 8-Jun-1698 at Woburn, Middlesex County, Massachusetts.

Marietie Lockermans (F)
d. before 9-Mar-1713/14, #102284

Marietie Lockermans married Gerrit Cornelissen Van Ness, son of Cornelius Hendrick Van Ness and Maycke Hendrieux Van Der Burchgraeff, on 14-Feb-1675/76; Second marriage Gerrit. Marietie Lockermans died before 9-Mar-1713/14.

Daniel Lockwood (M)
#370144

Daniel Lockwood married Abigail Sherwood, daughter of Thomas Sherwood 2nd and Mary (Unknown).

Elinor Lockwood (F)
b. circa 1580, d. after 2-Mar-1643, #3592
Relationship=10th great-grandmother of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

Elinor Lockwood was born circa 1580 at All Hallow's Par, Stayning, England. She married John Billington in 1605 at London, Middlesex, England. Elinor Lockwood married Gregory Armstrong between 14-Sep-1638 and 21-Sep-1638. Elinor Lockwood died after 2-Mar-1643 at Massachusetts.      She was also known as Ellen Lockwood. She was also known as Eleanor Lockwood.

     Children of Elinor Lockwood and John Billington:

John Billington   b. circa 1604, d. between May-1627 and Sep-1630
Francis Billington+   b. between 1606 and 1609, d. 3-Dec-1684

James Lockwood (M)
#35566

James Lockwood resided at at Norwalk, Fairfield County, Connecticut.

     Child of James Lockwood:

Phoebe Lockwood

Phoebe Lockwood (F)
#35565
Pop-up Pedigree

Phoebe Lockwood was the daughter of James Lockwood. Phoebe Lockwood married Lt. Samuel Knapp Sr., son of Caleb Knapp and Hannah Smith, before 18-Jun-1726.

Capt. James Lockwood (M)
#140792

Capt. James Lockwood married Mercy Bushnell, daughter of Francis Bushnell and Hannah Seamer, after 12-Jun-1741.

Ann Loder (F)
#235599

Ann Loder married William Perrine, son of Peter Perine and Anna Holmes.

William Logan (M)
#121270

William Logan married Sarah Longstreet, daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane, circa 1733.

Alice Lombard (F)
b. 19-Oct-1686, d. 8-Jan-1767, #309069

Alice Lombard was born on 19-Oct-1686 at Edgartown, Dukes County, Massachusetts. She married Deacon John Newcomb, son of Simon Newcomb and Deborah (Unknown), on 23-Sep-1709 at Edgartown, Dukes County, Massachusetts. Alice Lombard died on 8-Jan-1767 at age 80.

     Child of Alice Lombard and Deacon John Newcomb:

Jonathan Newcomb   b. 21-Aug-1722, d. 16-May-1765

Benjamin Lombard (M)
b. 26-Aug-1642, d. after 11-Feb-1704/5, #95825
Pop-up Pedigree

Benjamin Lombard was the son of Thomas Lombard. Benjamin Lombard was born on 26-Aug-1642 at Barnstable County, Massachusetts. He married Jane Warren, daughter of Nathaniel Warren and Sarah Walker, on 19-Sep-1672 at Barnstable, Barnstable County, Massachusetts. Benjamin Lombard married Sarah Walker on 19-Nov-1685 at Barnstable, Barnstable County, Massachusetts. Benjamin Lombard married Hannah (Unknown) on 24-May-1694 at Barnstable, Barnstable County, Massachusetts. Benjamin Lombard died after 11-Feb-1704/5. He died on 2-Aug-1705 at age 62; possible date.

Hannah Lombard (F)
#271104

Hannah Lombard married Caleb Conant, son of Capt. Joshua Conant and Sarah Newcomb.

Keziah Lombard (F)
b. 30-Jun-1705, #308971
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=1st cousin 8 times removed of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Keziah Lombard was the daughter of Capt. Thomas Lumbert and Mary Newcomb. Keziah Lombard was born on 30-Jun-1705. She married John Conant, son of Capt. Joshua Conant and Sarah Newcomb, on 18-Oct-1721 or 18-Oct-1725. Keziah Lombard married John Conant, son of Capt. Joshua Conant and Sarah Newcomb, on 13-Oct-1721.      Keziah Lombard was also known as Keziah Lambert.

Thomas Lombard (M)
#175913

     Child of Thomas Lombard:

Benjamin Lombard   b. 26-Aug-1642, d. after 11-Feb-1704/5

(Unknown) Long (M)
#350965

(Unknown) Long married Bridget Eldred, daughter of William Eldred and Anne Lumpkin.

Herodias Long (F)
b. 1623, d. after 1671, #151754

Herodias Long was born in 1623 at London, Middlesex, England. She common law married George Gardiner circa 1643/44 at Newport, Newport County, Rhode Island. Herodias Long and George Gardiner were separated in May-1665. Herodias Long died after 1671 at at or near, Newport, Newport County, Rhode Island.      She was also known as Herod Long.

     Children of Herodias Long and George Gardiner:

Benoni Gardiner   b. between 1643 and 1645, d. 1731
Henry Gardiner   b. between 1645 and 1647, d. 26-Apr-1744
George Gardiner   b. circa 1649, d. 1724
William Gardiner   b. circa 1652, d. 1711
Nicholas Gardiner   b. 1654, d. 1712
Dorcas Gardiner   b. circa 1656, d. before 1702
Rebecca Gardiner   b. 1657/58, d. before 11-Mar-1728/29
Probably not the son of George and Herodias Samuel Gardiner   b. circa 1660

Robert Long (M)
b. 1591, d. 9-Jan-1663/64, #163567
Pop-up Pedigree

Robert Long was the son of John Longe. Robert Long was born in 1591. He married Sarah Taylor, daughter of John Taylor and Margaret Willmote, on 3-Oct-1614. Robert Long died on 9-Jan-1663/64.

John Longe (M)
#163568

     Child of John Longe:

Robert Long   b. 1591, d. 9-Jan-1663/64

Aaron Longstreet (M)
b. 1741, d. 25-May-1829, #37900
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=5th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Aaron Longstreet was the son of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Aaron Longstreet was born in 1741 at New Jersey. He married Anne Wetherill. Aaron Longstreet died on 25-May-1829 at South Brunswick, Middlesex County, New Jersey. He was buried after 25-May-1829 at Presbyterian Church Cemetery, Kingston, Somerset County, New Jersey.

Aaron Longstreet (M)
b. 26-Nov-1710, d. circa 1793, #37899
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandfather of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

Aaron Longstreet was the son of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Aaron Longstreet was baptized on 26-Nov-1710 at Old Brick Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. Aaron Longstreet was born in 1710. He was baptized on 6-Nov-1710 at Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. He married Catherine Osborn, daughter of Samuel Osborn and Catherine Poullion, circa 1733. Aaron Longstreet and Lydia Hull obtained a marriage license on 6-May-1754 at Middlesex County, New Jersey. Aaron Longstreet died circa 1793. His estate was probated on 11-Jun-1793.      He was also known as Awery Longstreet. He was also known as Aurie Longstreet. He was also known as Aury Longstreet. He left a will on 20-Aug-1791 at New Brunswick, Middlesex County, New Jersey. In the name of God Amen, I Awrey Longstreet of the County of Middlesex Corporation of New Brunswick and Eastern Division of the State of New Jersey, Yeoman, being in perfect Health of Body and sound and disposing mind and memory many thanks be given to Almighty God for that and all other his manifold mercies to me and as it is appointed to all men to die I do make and ordain this my last Will and Testament in manner following that is to say my principally and first of all, I give and commend my Soul into the hands of almighty God who gave it and my Body to the earth to be decently buried at the discretion of my Executors nothing doubting but at the general resurrection to receive the same again by the mighty power of God, and as touching my Temporal Estate wherewith it has pleased God to bless me in this life I give and bequeath the same after the following manner and form, viz.... Awrey gave his "beloved wife Lydia...one feather bed and furniture for same and likewise my riding-chair and harness...and my negro Caesar"; Awrey made bequests to the "two sons of my eldest daughter Moica, John Reid and Aaron Reid"; he gave his clock to his son Christopher; to his son Aaron he gave his smith tools and "all that part of my land situate and lying on the east side of the brook on which Thomas Van Dyke formerly built a saw-mill"; he gave his daughter Ann, wife of William Surtis, 120 pounds of "prock" money; to "the children of my son Derick Longstreet deceased, 100 poounds; to three children of "my deceased son James in the followin manner, viz. to his two sons cornelius and Aaron 100 pounds and to his daughter Helena 50 pounds"; to his daughter Lydia, wife of Mather Van Dyke 100 pounds and also "twelve acres of woodland lying on Rocky Hill in the County of Middlesex on the easterly side of the Great Road".... He appointed as executors" Samual Longstreet, Christopher Longstreet and Aaron Longstreet, all of them my sons".

     Children of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn:

Supposed daughter Mary Longstreet
Doubtful Son of Aaron and Catherine Christophel Longstreet   b. before 1735
Christopher Longstreet   b. before 1735
Moica Longstreet+   b. 15-May-1735, d. 11-Aug-1757
Samuel Longstreet   b. circa 1736, d. 21-Dec-1829
Aaron Longstreet   b. 1741, d. 25-May-1829
Anne Longstreet   b. 30-Dec-1746, d. 15-Mar-1804
Richard Longstreet   b. 1747, d. before Aug-1791
James Longstreet   b. 1750, d. 1785

     Child of Aaron Longstreet and Lydia Hull:

Lydia Longstreet   b. 10-Jun-1759, d. 18-Oct-1843

Adrien Longstreet (M)
b. 16-Sep-1677, d. 1728, #37916
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=7th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Adrien Longstreet was the son of Dirck Stoffelse Langstraat and Katerina Van Lieuwen. Adrien Longstreet was baptized on 16-Sep-1677 at Dutch Reformed Church, Flatlands, Kings County, New York. He married Christina Janse in 1707. Adrien Longstreet died in 1728. His estate was probated on 10-May-1728.      He was also known as Aaron Longstreet. He was also known as Adriaen Longstreet. He he was a deacon of the Freehold-Middletown Church at Dutch Reformed Church, Freehold-Middletown, Monmouth County, New Jersey, 1721. He was a cordwainer in 1727. He left a will on 3-Mar-1727/28 he signed his will Aaron. He a member of the Freehold-Middletown Church at Dutch Reformed Church, Freehold-Middletown, Monmouth County, New Jersey, 23-Aug-1731.

Anna Longstreet (F)
b. 1718, #121229
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Anna Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Anna Longstreet was born in 1718. She married Samuel Osborn Jr., son of Samuel Osborn and Catherine Poullion, on 3-Jul-1740 at Long Island, New York.      Anna Longstreet was also known as Ann Longstreet. She was also known as Ann Longstreet. She was also known as Anne Longstreet.

Anne Longstreet (F)
b. 30-Dec-1746, d. 15-Mar-1804, #121186
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=5th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Anne Longstreet was the daughter of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Anne Longstreet was born on 30-Dec-1746 at New Jersey. She married William Burtis, son of Richard Burtis and Ann Bullock, on 15-Mar-1764 at Monmouth County, New Jersey. Anne Longstreet died on 15-Mar-1804 at Wrightstown, Burlington County, New Jersey, at age 57.

Catherine Longstreet (F)
b. 1700, #37907
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Catherine Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Catherine Longstreet was born in 1700. She married Jan Sutphen, son of Jan Derreckse Sutphen and Engeltje Adriaense Bennet, circa 1725 at Monmouth County, New Jersey.      Catherine Longstreet was also known as Catharine Langstraat.

Christopher Longstreet (M)
b. before 1735, #335562
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Relationship=5th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Christopher Longstreet was the son of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Christopher Longstreet was born before 1735 at New Jersey. He married Gertrude Seely.      Christopher Longstreet named Trustee of the First Prebyterian Church of Monmouth County with churches in Freehold, Shrewsbury and Allentown 1750. He held the position of New Jersey Assemblyman in 1800. He removed to at Pennsylvania, in 1802. He was are found on the tax list at New Milford, Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania, between 1813 and 1816. He was the toll gatherer and gate keeper of the Great Bend Bridge Company in 1814 at Great Bend, Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania. He was are found on the tax list at Great Bend, Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania, between 1816 and 1818.

Dirck Longstreet (M)
b. 25-Apr-1696, d. 1759, #121202
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Dirck Longstreet was the son of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Dirck Longstreet was baptized on 25-Apr-1696 at Brooklyn, Kings County, New York. Dirck Longstreet was born in 1696. He married Alice Osborn, daughter of Samuel Osborn and Catherine Poullion, in 1720. Dirck Longstreet died in 1759. His estate was probated on 18-Apr-1761.      He resided at at Squan, Shrewsbury Twp., Monmouth County, New Jersey. He was also known as Richard Longstreet. He resided at at Manasquan, Monmouth County, New Jersey, on 13-Dec-1745. He left a will on 23-Dec-1759.

Gysbert Longstreet (M)
b. 27-Nov-1707, d. 1758, #1389
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Gysbert Longstreet was the son of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Gysbert Longstreet was born on 27-Nov-1707. He was baptized on 26-Nov-1710 at Old Brick Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. He married Rachel Garretse Schenck, daughter of Garret Roelfse Schenck and Neeltje Coertse Van Voorhees, on 3-Dec-1729. Gysbert Longstreet died in 1758. His estate was probated on 8-Nov-1758.      He was also known as Gisbert Langestrat. He was also known as Gisbert Longstreet. He was also known as Gilbert Longstreet. He resided at at Manasquan, Monmouth County, New Jersey, in 1755. He left a will on 20-Apr-1755 at Shrewsbury, Monmouth County, New Jersey. Wife, Rachel. Children--Garret, Gisbert (both under age), Moyca, Nelley, Jane and Rachel. Real and personal estate. Executors--James Irons, Sr, Garret Scanck and John Longstreet, Sr. Witnesses--Koert Schenck, Garret Schanck and Nelley Schanck. He wrote a codicil on 31-Aug-1757; provided that a part of the bequest, given to dec'd daughter Jane, alias Onicha, be give to grandson Guisberd Lake, mentions children of dec'd daughter Moica and a daughter Elizabeth. Witnesses--Moses Richards, Thomas Ellison and John L. The Inventory of Gysbert Longstreet was taken £1265.15.10, incl. bills, bonds, book debts and cash,£L704.18.4; 320 bush. of Indian corn. £L32; 3 Dutch books, 10s; others 12s; half a book called "the Confesions," £1; two looking glasses, 6s; 2 negroes,£100; made by Thomas Ellison, Ebenezer Cook and David Johnston, with James Irons, Jr, as clerk." On 13-Nov-1758.

James Longstreet (M)
b. 1750, d. 1785, #121188
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Relationship=5th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

James Longstreet was the son of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. James Longstreet was born in 1750 at South Brunswick, Middlesex County, New Jersey. He married Elizabeth Ten Broeck, daughter of Cornelius Ten Broeck and Margaret Louw, circa 1776. James Longstreet died in 1785 at Middlesex County, New Jersey.      He estate was administered on 28-Sep-1785.

Jonica Longstreet (F)
b. 1698, d. 1775, #37906
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Jonica Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Jonica Longstreet was born in 1698. She married William Osborn, son of Samuel Osborn and Catherine Poullion; 1st marriage Jane. Jonica Longstreet married Peter Knott on 25-May-1764; 2nd marriage Jane. Jonica Longstreet died in 1775.      She was also known as Jane Longstreet. She was also known as Yonica Longstreet. She was also known as Jane Longstreet.

Lydia Longstreet (F)
b. 10-Jun-1759, d. 18-Oct-1843, #37902
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Relationship=5th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Lydia Longstreet was the daughter of Aaron Longstreet and Lydia Hull. Lydia Longstreet was baptized on 10-Jun-1759 at Old Tennent Church, Tennent, Monmouth County, New Jersey. She married Matthew Van Dyke, son of Mathys Van Dyck and Nieltje Lane, on 25-Jun-1774. Lydia Longstreet died on 18-Oct-1843 at age 84.      She and Matthew Van Dyke resided at at Mapleton, Hunterdon County, New Jersey, circa 1809.

Maria Longstreet (F)
b. 6-May-1702, d. 1758, #37909
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Maria Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Maria Longstreet was baptized on 6-May-1702 at Old Brick Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. Maria Longstreet was born in 1702. She married William Hendrickson, son of Daniel Hendrickson and Catherine Van Dyck, circa 1731 at Monmouth County, New Jersey. Maria Longstreet died in 1758.      She was also known as Mary Longstreet.

Moica Longstreet (F)
b. 15-May-1735, d. 11-Aug-1757, #37796
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=5th great-grandmother of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Appears on charts:
     Pedigree for David Kipp Conover Jr.

Moica Longstreet was the daughter of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Moica Longstreet was born on 15-May-1735; or Jun 5 1735. She and James Reid obtained a marriage license on 28-May-1754. Moica Longstreet married James Reid, son of John Reid and Anne Wetherill, on 11-Aug-1751. Moica Longstreet died on 11-Aug-1757 at age 22. She was buried after 11-Aug-1757 at Topanemus Cemetery, Freehold Twp., Monmouth County, New Jersey.      She was also known as Moyka Longstreet.

     Children of Moica Longstreet and James Reid:

John I. Reid+   b. 2-Oct-1754, d. 12-May-1843
Aaron Reid   b. 27-Jan-1756, d. 6-Oct-1839

Moika Longstreet (F)
b. 6-May-1715, d. before 23-Dec-1752, #37912
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Moika Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Moika Longstreet was baptized on 6-May-1715 at Old Brick Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. She married Judge John Little Jr., son of Lt. Col. John Little and Isabella Mhor, in 1735. Moika Longstreet died before 23-Dec-1752.      She was also known as Mercy Longstreet. She was also known as Moica Longstreet.

Richard Longstreet (M)
b. 1747, d. before Aug-1791, #37901
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Relationship=5th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Richard Longstreet was the son of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Richard Longstreet was born in 1747 at New Jersey. He died before Aug-1791.      He was also known as Derrick Longstreet.

Richard Longstreet (M)
b. 1680, #37915
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Relationship=7th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Richard Longstreet was the son of Dirck Stoffelse Langstraat and Katerina Van Lieuwen. Richard Longstreet was born in 1680.      He resided at at Of, Shrewsbury, Monmouth County, New Jersey.

Samuel Longstreet (M)
b. circa 1736, d. 21-Dec-1829, #1496
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Relationship=5th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Samuel Longstreet was the son of Aaron Longstreet and Catherine Osborn. Samuel Longstreet was born circa 1736 at New Jersey. He and Barbara Antonides obtained a marriage license on 30-Oct-1756. Samuel Longstreet died on 21-Dec-1829 at Of, South Amboy, Middlesex County, New Jersey. He was buried after 21-Dec-1829 at First Presbyterian Church Cemetery, Cranbury, Middlesex County, New Jersey.       Longstreet or Langstraet Samuel Longstreet (Aaron "Awrey",Stoffel Dicksen,Dirck Stofflsz, Stoffel)b. abt.1736, d. De c 21, 1829 in Cranbury, NJ, m. Miss Wetherill, who had (1)Ann, b. 1768 d. 1852 m. John W. Dey , b. 1765, d. 1847. Numerous descendants; (2)Abigail, b. abt 1776, m. Ezekiel Dye (Dey), desc endants. Death-Burial;Samuel Longstreet; died 21 Dec 1829;Cranbury First Presbyterian (Brainard) Cemet ery, Middlesex, NJ; "Rev. War", age 94, space 26/1. His wife, Ann, does not appear on my lis t for the cemetery. Middlesex County Deeds, Book 1 CONGREGATION IN CRANBURY (This is a long one so I'll split it in sections.) 29 Jun 1790, Charles Barclay of South Brunswick, Middlesex, and Joseph Clayton, Monmouth sold to Nathaniel Hunt, Esq., Jonathan Combs, Esq., Thomas McDowel, Esq., Jacob Fisher, William Covenhoven, Samuel Longstreet, and Humphrey Mount, Trustees of the first Presbyterian Congregation in Cranbury.... ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- .John Wetherill appears to be the father-in-law of Samuel Longstreet as well as Nehemiah Dey and (probably John) Reed. He appears to have been very well to do and dispensed a lot of property. At the writing of his will, Ann Longstreet does not appea r to be married, but at the writing of her brother John's will she is called Ann Dye. That seems to be consistent of what we know about Ann. According to the Cranbury cemetery records, she was born in 1769 and would have been 15 when her grandfather died and 23 when her brother died. Following is a summary of the two wills. John Wetherill of North Brunswick will d4/2/1784 , proved 4/19/1784 1. son john the plantation which i bought from richard pitman, but if he die then to my grandsons john wetherill dey and vincent dey 2. wife mary use of the plantation and she is to bring up my son vincent and my granddaughter ann wetherill. when vincent is of age he shall have said farm. 3. samuel longstreet use of land at cranbury till abby longstreet is of age, then 1/2 to my grandson john longstreet and 1/2 to samuel longstreet. 4. daughter rachel the lands east of what i gave my son john 5. granddaughter ann wetherill the farm i bought of mathew collins. also 150 acres near the great ponds. 6. grandson william reed the land east of amboy 7. daughter sarah 300 acres by the great road. 8. granddaughters elizabeth reed, ann longstreet, mary longstreet, abby longstreet, margret dey and ann wetherill rest of estate. executors son john, samuel longstreet, thomas mackdowel, john reed --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------- john longstreet of south amboy will d2/9/1792 p6/14/1792 father samuel sister ann dye witnesses peter dey, john wetherill, garret voorhees --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------- Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 011 1779 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 011 1780 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 011 1781 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 035 1782 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 027 1784 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 028 1785 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 027 1786 TAX LIST Longstreet, Samuel NJ MONMOUTH CO. SHREWSBURY TWP 031 1789 TAX LIST Somerset County Historical Quarterly Vol IV ; JOURNALS OF ANDREW JOHNSTON, 1743-1763 CONCERNING LOTS IN PEAPACK PATENT, Page 202 "April 12th.--Samuel Longstreet tells me he is about agreeing with (???) for the improvemen t of the lot I leased to him last year. I consented to it if he obliges himselfe to fullfil l the conditions of the lease. (GenealogyLibrary.com) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------ Marriages: ;Longstreet, Elizabeth, Monmouth, and Samuel Longstreet, Monm'uth 1753 Nov. 2 Longstreet, Samuel, Monmouth, and Elizabeth Longstreet, Monmouth 1753 Nov. 2 Longstreet, Samuel, Monmouth, and Barbara Antonides, Monmouth 1756 Oct. 30 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------- Homepage of John Longstreet Rhymes, http://homepages.gs.net/~longstrt/outline.html 40. Samuel Langestraet 1738-1829 m ____ - 79. William - 80. Aaron - 81. Hannah - 82. Mary - 83. Abigail - 84. Ann - 85. John - --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------- Homepage of John Longstreet Rhymes, http://homepages.gs.net/~longstrt/outline.html 68. SAMUEL. This is the Samuel R. of Monmouth County Orphan's Court proceedings of 1837 (OC-I , p.434, dated 10-18-1837) In the division of his property among his children, Samuel is iden tified as of 'Squan and as a son of Richard. The land is located on Curtis Cove and along th e Robert Swamp Brook. The wife of Samuel R. is probably Annet Allen (Marr. Bk. A, p. 38, 6-11 -1799) The order of birth of the children is based on the listing found in the OC files. In A tlantic View Cem., Manasquan, NJ, is cem. inscr. "Anna, wife of Samuel" d. 9-14-1858, aged 76 .3.11".(S30.65).

Samuel Longstreet (M)
b. circa 1683, #37917
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Relationship=7th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Samuel Longstreet was the son of Dirck Stoffelse Langstraat and Katerina Van Lieuwen. Samuel Longstreet was born circa 1683.

Sarah Longstreet (F)
b. 26-Nov-1709, #37911
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-grandaunt of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Sarah Longstreet was the daughter of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Sarah Longstreet was baptized on 26-Nov-1709 at Old Brick Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. Sarah Longstreet was born in 1705. She married William Logan circa 1733.      Sarah Longstreet was also known as Sara Longstreet.

Stoffel Longstreet (M)
b. 25-Dec-1713, d. 1782, #37905
Pop-up Pedigree
Relationship=6th great-granduncle of David Kipp Conover Jr..

Stoffel Longstreet was the son of Stoffle Dircksen Longstreet and Moyka Lane. Stoffel Longstreet was baptized on 25-Dec-1713 at Dutch Reformed Church, Marlboro, Monmouth County, New Jersey. Stoffel Longstreet was born in 1712. He and Abigail Wooley obtained a marriage license on 16-Dec-1743. Stoffel Longstreet died in 1782. His estate was probated on 24-May-1784.      He was also known as Theophilus S. Langstraat. He was he purchased a grist mill in Allentown, Monmouth County, NJ in 1750 at Allentown, Monmouth County, New Jersey. He left a will on 19-Nov-1779 IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN I Stoffill Longstreet of upper freehold in the County of monmouth and Province of New Jersey being of Sound mind and memory do make and ordain this my Last Will and Testament in manner and form following First and Principally I recommend my Soul into the hands of Almighty God and my body I commit to the Earth to be decently Buried at the discretion of my Executor & Executrix hereafter Named and for such worldly Estate as it hath pleased God to bless me with I Give and dispose of the same in the following manner IMPRIMIS I will and order that all my Lawful Debts and funeral Charges be paid and Satisfyed by my Executor and Executrix as soon after my deease as Conveniently may be ITEM I Give to my Eldest Son John Longstreet Five Pounds Lawful Money of New Jersey and no more I Give to my wife Abigail Longsstreet all the remainder of my Estate real and Personal during her Life with Privilege to dispose of any Part of the above Real and Personal Estate to my Daughter Lydia Longstreet William Longstreet and Mary Longstreet equal each and after the decease of Abigail my wife I Give the whole of my Estate that then may be to the above named Lydia William and Mary Longstreet to be Divided Equally between them by my Executor & Hereafter mentioned and two Person Chosen by the Legatees Jointly and in Case that either of the Legatees should die without issue that then their part of my Real and Personal Estate shall be Equally divided between the two then Living and further in Case that either of the Two then Living should die without Issue also then the whole to fall to the one then Living, and it is my will that in case the above mentioned Legatees should all three die without Issue that then the whole of my Estate be equally Divided among the Rest of my Children then Living. Lastly I do hereby Constitute and Appoint my Wife Abigail Longstreet my Executrix and my Son Gilbert Longstreet my Executor of this my Last Will and Testament and I hereby utterly Revoke and Disallow all Former and other Wills by me heretofore made Ratifying and Confirming this and no other to be my Last Will and Testament in Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and Seal this Nineteenth day of November in the year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy Nine 1779 N.B. Note that the word Executrix between the eighth and ninth lines counting from the Top, and also the word Executrix between the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Lines were Interlined before the Executing Stoffil Longstreet (L.S.) these Presents Signed Sealed and published Pronounced and declared by the said Stoffil Longstreet to be his Last Will and Testament in the presence of us William Lloyd Esek Cox 1009.W William Lloyd & Esek Cox the witneses to the within will being duly Sworn did depose and Say that they Saw Stoffil Longstreet the Testator therein named Sign and Seal the Same and heard him Publish pronounce and declare the within writing to be his Last will and Testament and that at the doing thereof the said Testator was of Sound and Disposing mind and memory as far as these Deponents know and as they verily believe Sworn at Monmouth the 24th day of May 1784 Before me Tho. Henderson, Surrogate. THE FOREGOING will being proved probate was Granted by his Excellency William Livingston Esq'r unto Gilbert Longstreet Executor in the Within will Named he being first duly sworn well and truly to perform the Same Exhibit a true and Perfect Inventory and render a Just and true Account when thereunto Lawfully Required GIVEN under the Prerogative Seal the day and year above said Rowes Reed Reg'r. NEW JERSEY PREROGATIVE COURT I, HENRY C. KELSEY, Register of the Prerogative Court of the State of New Jersey, do hereby certify, that the foregoing is a true copy of last Will and Testament of Stoffil Longstreet, late of the County of Monmouth, deceased, as the same is taken from and compared with the original Record, recorded in Liber N-26 of Wills, pages 355, etc., and now remaining on file in my office. Witness my hand and the Seal of the Prerogative Court, this twenty- sixth day of April A.D. 1893. HENRY C. KELSEY, Register.

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